Why Do The Experts Get It Wrong?
Whether it's a nuclear power plant melt-down, a deep sea oil drilling
disaster, or a financial crisis, we've seen many instances where
apparently obvious problems have been overlooked by panels of experts.
Some of the answers to this question lie in the field of
epistemology - the study of how we know which things are true.
For
more information:
Wikipedia entry on
epistemology
To help understand why experts in the medical field make mistakes, we
contacted a different kind of expert. Dr. Fran Collyer studies the
way societies make decisions about what things are correct in the field
of medicine.
“W
e
all have to keep working hard to produce good health policy,
good health programs, and good health
research.”
- Dr. Fran Collyer
BRF: Your work suggests that debates between researchers can play a big
role in what becomes accepted as medical fact, even if the results are
detrimental to public health. Do the professional interests of
researchers really trump public health?
DR. COLLYER: The answer to this is a little complicated, but perhaps my
argument is that it is not so much researchers who are so powerful in
determining public health, but a structured network composed of
researchers, practitioners, policy-makers, administrators and corporate
interests. Researchers certainly have input, but they are constrained in
what they can research - after all, they are dependent on sponsors for
research funds, on practitioners and administrators for access to
clinics and patients, on policy-makers for appropriate laws and ethics
approvals etc.
BRF: Can you give some examples, other than H pylori, where this is
occurring?
DR. COLLYER: All medical facts go through a process of debate and
uncertainty, where different individuals and groups take up positions
and seek to have their views adopted. This process is the research
front, and is what Bruno Latour calls ‘science in the making’.
Eventually, in most cases, a consensus of some kind is reached and
theories and ideas become ‘fact’. In the late 1980s, HIV/AIDS was in
this stage, and offers a pretty good example of how controversies
eventually lead to a consensus (in this case, about the existence of a
virus). Of course, the whole process can be stirred up again at any time
if new evidence emerges, but it is less likely to as everyone tends to
assume it is ‘fact’.
BRF: How can public interest groups recognize when researcher
self-interest is driving a medical policy? What steps can we take to
ensure that medical thought follows a rational development process?
DR. COLLYER: The best approach is to work toward making decision-making
processes transparent and accountable. This can be done in small and
large ways. For instance, as an editor of a journal or magazine, we can
insist that authors always divulge any conflicts of interest, especially
concerning the financing or sponsorship of research. In larger ways,
funding agencies for example, need to have a range of measures in place
to check and double-check decisions, and ensure they have
inter-disciplinary committees keeping an eye on applications for
funding.
BRF: In your work on H pylori and ulcers, you noted that medical thought
shifted the burden of the illness onto the patient, who was viewed as a
deviant, expected to cure himself by controlling diet and stress levels.
The discovery of H pylori changed that, as physicians discovered that
an infection was responsible. The latest buzzword from the Rome
Foundation is "multi-determinism", which says that since bacteria are
present in people who don't have symptoms, patient behavior should again
be considered as a cause of illness. What is your view of this trend?
Is this a setback for patients?
DR. COLLYER: Yes, it does cause me some concern. The focus on patient
behaviour assumes that patients are entirely ‘free to choose’ healthy
life-styles and keep themselves free from disease. Yet we know this is
not the case. Individuals have very few ‘free choices’, and our lives
our quite constrained - even if the knowledge of this might make us feel
quite uncomfortable. Almost any individual will ‘choose’ to look after
their health if they are given the chance, but circumstances are largely
such that we cannot choose this. Our social and physical environments
are such that it is difficult to act in a healthy way. For instance, if
we look at a long distance truck driver, they are unlikely to get enough
exercise or healthy food. Yet what food options are presented to them
along their route? It is likely to be high in fat, salt and sugar, and
unlikely to contain fresh vegetables or fruit. And their work involves
sitting, virtually motionless, for many hours a day and most days in the
week. As health advisers and researchers, we need to examine the
constraints on individuals, not the ‘choices’ we wish they would make.
We need to examine the social environments which make it difficult for
patients change their behaviours.
BRF: Is there a tendency for physicians to view patients with
hard-to-treat diseases as deviant?
DR. COLLYER: ‘Deviant’ is a word no longer used by sociologists in
Australia or the United Kingdom, or at least, no longer used without
quote marks around it, though I believe it is still widely used in
American sociology. We don’t use it because we see it as potentially
devaluing those to whom the label might be attached, so I cringe a
little when I hear it! That aside, I assume you mean that doctors may
blame patients with difficult to treat diseases, assuming they are
non-compliant in some way. I suspect it may occur in rather too many
cases. Doctors with more experience, and perhaps a greater understanding
of human nature, may be more likely to realise that there are limits to
knowledge, that the world is more complex than we might like it to be,
and that we cannot always ‘fix’ the problem with science or medicine.
There is a rather good literature on this in sociology, and we talk
about it using the term ‘medical uncertainty’. Some rather good work has
been done by Karin Knorr-Cetina on this problem, who suggests that
doctors tend to be uncomfortable with uncertainty, and the problem
begins when they are in their medical training.
Links:
Knorr-Cetina,
The Manufacture of Knowledge (Free
downloadable Google Book)
Knorr-Cetina,
Epistemic culture: How the Sciences Make Knowledge
(Book from Amazon.com)
Another way of looking at the problem is to state that medicine is
unfortunately assumed to be a science, rather than an art or a social
science, and this means it adopts the position of certainty rather than
complexity. The social sciences are much better at working under
conditions of uncertainty - the grey areas - and building solutions
based on knowing only partially.
BRF: Does this trend appear more prominently in some cultures?
DR. COLLYER: The work of Martin Roemer and William Cockerham shows this
to be the case. Western paradigms concerning health interact in some
cultures with traditional knowledges and paradigms from Asia, Africa and
South America. There are different ways of understanding and different
ways of ‘knowing’, and most are not as reductionist as we tend to be in
the West. A little bit of awareness of these other cultures is always
helpful to finding solutions to our own problems.
Links:
WC Cockerham,
Social Causes of Health and Disease
(Book from Amazon.com)
Show all
WC Cockerham articles
on Google Scholar
BRF: In your paper, you discussed how discovering a cure for a chronic
disease can negatively impact corporate profits, and that vested
interest work against identification of treatments based on the germ
theory which can cure the disease. Do you see parallels with the
current trends in Blastocystis research?
DR. COLLYER: Yes I do.
BRF: What kinds of things can public interests groups do to identify and
counter drug company influence?
DR. COLLYER: In Australia and elsewhere there are some very active
consumer groups, who have run very successful campaigns. They have used
the internet and other forms of media. Engaging the interest of
sociologists and other social science researchers is also a very good
strategy.
BRF: In the 1990's, most pioneering research was performed in Western
countries. Will the rising role of China, Asia, and other countries in
science make it more difficult for a researcher or drug company to
control scientific knowledge?
DR. COLLYER: No, I don’t believe this will change the situation. It may
mean some small changes in which companies control scientific knowledge,
but it won’t shift the balance of power between the public, the
researchers and the companies. If we look at the global context, we find
a very clear imbalance between countries, and the system has developed
in such a way that American and European countries are largely in
control. It is very difficult for other countries to break into the
upper echelons of power. However, as China and some other countries
continue to expand, they will use business alliances and take-overs to
enter into this network of science. This will mean some ‘different faces
at the top’, but it won’t make it any easier to produce good health
policy, because in order to ‘break into’ the science-medicine industry,
the newcomers will adopt the same sets of practices and systems.
About Dr. Fran Collyer
Dr. Collyer is a senior lecturer at the
University of Sydney, and a former editor of Health Sociology
Review. She has over 70 peer-reviewed articles, book chapters, and
related publications on the subject of health policy.